Part 6:

Nasser’s Nazis go global

The Cold War was a complicated conflict. The two major super powers of the United States and Soviet Union get much of the limelight in our memories of this time, but the Cold War shaped the entire globe, and it was a globe in dramatic flux. The era of outright colonialism gave way to new nations, a redrawing of borders, and a developing world that hosted many of the new battle grounds in a period of proxy conflicts. Vietnam, Korea, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, and so many other regional and civil wars were, in part, proxy wars. Proxy wars with players beyond the local armies and their sponsoring foreign powers. The remnants of the Third Reich, which wasted no time in selling itself as a useful tool for WWII’s victors, proved to be a significant factor, both ideologically and logistically, in the postwar era for a number of countries and conflicts. The Middle East and South America were especially influentced by this forgotten force.

Egypt, in particular, was a focal point of postwar Nazi Activity. The 1950’s was a time of tumult for Egypt, when a Nasser-led military coup, carried out in partnership with the Muslim Brotherhood and followed by the subsequent crackdown on the Brotherhood. As we saw in Part 5, the 1950’s was also the period when the CIA began its relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood in exile while its relationship with Nasser went from supportive to oppositional following his seizure of the Suez Canal. And as we’re about to see, there were plenty of Nazis afoot. Let’s briefly review how all these different elements interacted during this period with an excerpt from Part 3 of Marc Erikson’s excellent Asia Times article on Islamism and Fascism:

Islamist-fascist collaboration did not cease with war's end. King Farouk brought large numbers of German military and intelligence personnel as well as ranking (ex-) Nazis into Egypt as advisors. It was a bad move. Several of the Germans, recognizing Farouk's political weakness, soon began conspiring with Nasser and his free officers (who, in turn, were working closely with the Brotherhood) to overthrow the king. On July 23, 1952, the deed was done and Newsweek marveled that, "The most intriguing aspect [of] the revolt ... was the role played in the coup by the large group of German advisors serving with the Egyptian army ... The young officers who did the actual planning consulted the German advisors as to 'tactics' ... This accounted for the smoothness of the operation."

Yep, Nasser’s coup was carried out with the assistance of a large number of German advisors that King Farouk brought into the Egypt following the war. Egypt was a major destination point for the Nazi diaspora, along with South America and, eventually, the United States.


And yet another player fond of playing all sides against the middle had entered the game prior to Farouk's ouster: In 1951, the CIA's Kermit Roosevelt (grandson of president Teddy, who in 1953 would organize the overthrow of elected Iranian leader Mohammed Mossadegh and install Reza Pahlavi as Shah) opened secret negotiations with Nasser. Agreement was soon reached that the US, post-coup, would assist in building up Egypt's intelligence and security forces - in the obvious manner, by reinforcing Nasser's existing Germans with additional, "more capable", ones. For that, CIA head Allen Dulles turned to Reinhard Gehlen, one-time head of eastern front German military intelligence and by the early 1950s in charge of developing a new German foreign intelligence service. Gehlen hired the best man he knew for the job - former SS colonel Otto Skorzeny, who at the end of the war had organized the infamous ODESSA network to facilitate the escape of high-ranking Nazis to Latin America (mainly Peron's Argentina) and Egypt. With Skorzeny now on the job of assisting Nasser, Egypt became a safe haven for Nazi war criminals galore. The CIA officer in charge of the Egypt assistance program was Miles Copeland, soon a Nasser intimate.

And then things got truly complicated and messy. Having played a large role in Nasser's power grab, the Muslim Brotherhood, after the 1949 assassination of Hassan al-Banna by government agents [see part 1] under new leadership and (since 1951) under the radical ideological guidance of Sayyid Qutb, demanded its due - imposition of Sharia (Islamic religious) law. When Nasser demurred, he became a Brotherhood assassination target, but with CIA and the German mercenaries' help he prevailed. In February 1954, the Brotherhood was banned. An October 1954 assassination attempt failed. Four thousand brothers were arrested, six were executed, and thousands fled to Syria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Lebanon.

Within short order, things got more tangled still: As Nasser in his brewing fight with Britain and France over control of the Suez Canal turned to the Soviet Union for assistance and arms purchases, the CIA approached and began collaboration with the Brotherhood against their ex-ally, the now pro-Soviet Nasser.

Yes, that’s right, Allen Dulles had Reinhard Gehlen supply Nasser with Nazis, and then, after Nasser cozied up to the Soviets, the CIA began working with the Muslim Brotherhood. What a wonderful turn of events.

And Otto Skorzeny, the Nazi they picked to do the recruiting and a top figure in the ODESSA group, was far from alone in working to employ and reorganize the Nazi diaspora. When Reinhard Gehlen hired Skorzeny to staff Nasser with Nazis, he hired one of the top members of a network of leaders organizing the postwar Nazi underground: Werner Naumann’s Circle.

Naumann’s Circle

Werner Naumann was one of Hitler’s elite, having been promoted to the head of the Propaganda Ministry following Joseph Goebbel’s suicide. Both Naumann and Martin Bormann,were believed by the Allies to have died trying to escape from Berlin near the war’s end. But in 1949 Naumann surprised the West by turning up as a West German businessman. (see Footnote 1). In 1953 British agents raided Naumann’s villa in Dusseldorf, seized over a ton of documents which lead to Naumann getting charged with being the top conspirator in a secret cell of ex-Nazis intent on undermining democracy in Germany. The plot started in 1950, with the intention of infiltrating and taking over the German Free Democratic Party (FPD), a moderate Right party. Naumann’s plan was conceived along with FPD foreign-policy advisor Ernst Achenbach, who convinced Naumann that he should lead a “National Opposition” party and it could be started by getting enough of their people in the North Rhine-Westphalia branch of the FPD. This would allow them to break off a neo-Nazi splinter party under a respectable FPD banner (1). To get an idea of the fascist rumblings taking place in West German politics around this time (which is happening again), let’s take look at a quick at this article about 1953 election from the August 17, 1953 issue of Time magazine:

Time Magazine

Monday, Aug. 17, 1953
The Issue Is Adenauer

In less than three weeks, West Germany's 33 million voters will pass judgment on Konrad Adenauer, who for the last four years has presided over his country's economic resurgence and won his mistrusted nation a place in the councils of the West. Formally, West Germany will be voting for 484 Bundestag members. Actually, it will vote either to retain the dour old Chancellor or replace him with a Socialist. The betting was that he would win, but the spry, 77-year-old was taking no chances. On a 6,000-mile, month-long tour, he was delivering two or three speeches a day, carrying the brunt of the battle for his Christian Democratic Union Party and the government coalition.

He faced a second-string opposition. Since the death of Kurt Schumacher, the fanatic and brilliant orator, the powerful Social.Democratic Party is presided over by mild Erich Ollenhauer, a sort of chubby Clement Attlee in Lederhosen. The Socialists' principal attack on Adenauer's record: that not enough of West Germany's prosperity trickles down to the workers, that Adenauer's pro-American foreign policy prejudices the chance for a reunified Germany.

Coming up on the right as a new dark-horse party is the Nazi-tainted All-German Bloc of refugees (expected to poll 10% of the vote), which makes a big appeal to the rootless 11 million Germans who fled or were expelled from the East Zone and former German territories.

The great unknown is the size of the pro-Nazi vote, supposed to be a large proportion of the 7,000,000 eligibles who failed to ballot in '49 and of the ex-Nazis since enfranchised. With the election nearing, all parties talked a tough nationalistic line. Fortnight ago, several clumps of penny-ante Hitlers got together in something called the German Reich Party, and have blatantly put forward such candidates as Dr. Werner Naumann, former state secretary of the Nazi Propaganda Ministry, recently arrested (and released) for allegedly plotting to overthrow the Bonn Republic and Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel, a onetime Luftwaffe ace now living in Argentina. Busy last week warding off the left, Konrad Adenauer threw a worried glance over his shoulder at such distressing signs on the right, warned his countrymen not to play with that kind of fire.

So in addition to Werner Naumann running on the pro-Nazi ticket, we also had Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel, one of the many Nazis invited to Argentina by pro-Nazi Argentinian dictator Juan Peron. Rudel was also a key person in Der Weg (“the Way”), the top literary journal for the Nazi diaspora published out of Argentina (2).

Another member of Naumann’s circle, Gustav Scheel, was a leader of the “German Brudershaft” (German Brotherhood), a group founded in a British POW camp that became an important organization for the postwar fascist elite. Scheel had close ties to Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. The Mufti, who was wanted in Yugoslavia for war crimes, had been picked up by French police following the war but escaped (although many say he was allowed to escape) and fled to Egypt. Scheel was also quite close to Iran’s leader Mohammad Mossadegh (3).

Naumann’s political plotting in 1950 coincided with Naumann getting a job managing the H.S. Lucht company, a Dusseldorf import-export firm run by Lea Lucht, widow of Herbert S. Lucht, a Third Reich Propaganda Ministry Official. Mrs Lucht was quite close to Waffen SS General Leon Degrelle, who found refuge in Franco’s Spain following the war and helped lead the Nazis in exile there. So close was Mrs Lucht to Degrell that many thought Degrell was the real head of Lucht’s company.

And coming full circle, H.S. Lucht’s lawyer was Naumann’s co-plotter Ernst Achenbach and its Madrid branch business manager was Otto Skorzeny (4). It was in Spain where Skorzeny’s founded the Paladin group, a “Fascist terrorist combine”, which Skorzeny headed until his death in 1975. The Paladin group’s finances were taken care of by Skorzeny’s weapons business and, eventually, Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi. So great were Skorzeny’s ties to both US and Spanish intelligence that his Madrid-based import-export firm even shared an address with a front for the Spanish intelligence organization, the SCOE, and the CIA (5).

And so great, overall, was the influence of Naumann’s circle in Egypt that German companies wishing to do business there first had to go through Naumann, Scheel, Skorzeny, and the Grand Mufti (6). This is the group that helped staff Nasser with Nazis at the request of the CIA.

Egyptian diplomacy and arms, compliments of Schacht, von Hentig, and Voss

Skorzeny’s uncle-in-law, Hjalmar Schacht, also played an important role in the postwar years (7). Schact was the head of the German Reichsbank during the hyper-inflationary 20’s and one of Hitler’s early backers and financiers. Some of his more bizarre historic notes of interests were his being the target of an early US attempt at bio-warfare and also being the source of the suggested name change for the country of Persia to “Iran”, which reflects the Persian people’s Aryan lineage (and also reflected the Shah of Iran’s great admiration for Hitler and his ideals).

To get an idea of the kind of influence Schact and other ex-Nazis wielded in the region at the time Let’s turn now to a passage from Kevin Coogan’s “Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International” p383-385 :

Another key figure involved in German intrigue in the Middle East was Hjalmar Schacht. He first came to Egypt as General Naguib’s ‘guest of honor’ after the coup against King Farouk. Schacht’s most daring Middle East power-play was the ‘Jiddah Agreement’ between German industry and Saudi Arabia in January 1954. Under the terms of the deal, Saudi Arabia agreed to establish a fleet of supertankers (to be built in German shipyards) that would carry Saudi oil around the world. Aristotle Onassis was chosen to manage the shipping side of the operation. Besides making the Ruhr industrialists fantastically wealthy, Jiddah threatened to break the ‘Seven Sisters’ oil companies’ hegemony over the distribution of Middle East oil. The Jiddah Agreement was ultimately blocked by the Western oil cartel with help from the CIA. Yet Allen Dulles’s CIA was surprisingly hesitant to confront Schacht. Robert Maheu, one of the coordinators of the American attack on Jiddah, said of the CIA: ‘You can’t imagine how hard it was to convince them that the national interest was at stake.’

Schacht was equally busy in the Far East. At a time when the United States was committed to the total isolation of the People’s Republic of China, Schacht carried the oriflamme of German big business to Beijing. In 1957 he became a founding member of the German-China Society, which promoted business deals with the PRC. The chairman of the Germ-China Society, Wolf Schenke, was a former chief editor of the Hitler Youth publication Wille und Macht, a contributor to Haushofer’s Zeitschrift fur Geopolitik, and a Far East correspondent for the Volkischer Beobachter. After the war he became a strong advocate of an anti-American “neutralist” Germany through an organization called the Third Front. In 1951 he organized the first “West German Congress against Remilitarization” (Schenke personally support “armed neutrality”), whose delegates included members of the Bruderschaft and SRP as well as Social Democratic and Communist-allied groups.

A note on Karl Haushofer: An important geostrategic thinker for the Third Reich, Haushofer was an advocate of forming an alliance with Russia against the West during WWII (which, uh, obviously didn’t win out in the end). He was also a devotee of the British theoretician Sir Halford Mackinder, who in the early 20th century posited that the control of the Eurasian landmass, the “Earth Island” or “World Island”, was central to dominating the globe. The influence of the “Earth Island” concept is still seen today, with the resource-rich Middle East and Central Asia being seen as highly strategic regions for the world’s powers.


Another prominent member of the German-China society was Werner-Otto von Hentig, a former head of the Arab Division of Ribbentrop’s Foreign Office and a close friend of Fritz Grobba. King Saud made Hentig Saudi Arabia’s chief European advisor in 1955. While serving as German ambassador to Indonesia, Hentig accompanied the Saudi delegation to the April 1955 Afro-Asian Conference held in Bandung, Indonesia, as a Special Counselor. He also helped broker Soviet-Arab relations in the Mideast.

It is quite indicative of the enduring influence these ex-Nazi figures had in the region that Hjalmar Schacht was invited to Cairo as a “guest of honor” in 1952, helped negotiate a German-Saudi agreement that could have threatened US Interests in 1954, and the following year King Saud made Werner-Otto von Hentig, the former chief of Arab affairs for the German Foreign Office during WWII, his chief European advisor.

It does seem odd that Allen Dulles appears to have been reticent about acting to block “Jiddah Agreement”, but if the highly lucrative and questionable business connections between Dulles and his major German corporate clients during WWII is accurate, then perhaps some of those relationships continued to influence Dulles. Then again, Dulles also had highly lucrative, close, and questionable business relationships with US oil interests, and those oil interests, in turn, had highly lucrative, close, and questionable relationships with major German corporations during that same period, so it was a murky picture all around. For furthing reading on this murkiness, be sure to check out John Loftus’s The Secret War Against the Jews. Loftus, you’ll recall from Part 4, was the DOJ Nazi hunter that uncovered so much of this past and triggered the Operation Greenquest raids of March 20, 2002 on the SAAR network, a network with direct historic ties to the postwar Nazi network we’re examing right now.


The idea of the “Third World” as a separate bloc between East and West first began to emerge at Bandung, where leaders like Sukarno, Nasser, Tito, Nehru, Nkrumah, and Chou En-lai met to reach some sort of understanding. Nowhere was the Third World dance between East and West more pronounced than in Egypt, where the Soviet-American struggle for politicial influence was played out in the arms trade. Weapons were especially difficult for Egypt to acquire since England was no longer a potential supplier. France also refused to arm a government that was aiding anti-French insurgent movements in Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco. Caught between its traditional allies and its desire to maintain a presence in Egypt, the CIA turned to both Otto Skorzeny and the Gehlen Organization to supply Nasser with guns.

Keep in mind with all of these shadowy things, how incredibly useful something like a Nazi underground of the Muslim Brotherhood would be for a government that wants to do something it knows it can’t get caught doing. And then keep in mind that they have their own agenda.


A key player in the weapons game was Dr. William Voss, who ran the famous Skoda Works armament factory during the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia. After King Farouk’s downfall, Voss was hired to modernize Egypt’s military. He soon became so powerful that the German ambassador to Egypt, Dr. Guenther Pawelke, quit in protest. In 1955 Nassers’s hunger for weapons led to a stunning deal between Egypt and the now-Communist-run Skoda plant and other East Bloc Suppliers. The Soviet-sanctioned agreement had major foreign policy ramifications. Until Stalin’s death in 1953, Soviet propgandists had regularly denigrated non-Communist Afrrican, Asian, and Arab nationalists as either “feudal or semi-feudal lords” or supporters of “petit bourgeois reformism.” Not without reasons, the Soviets viewed Nasser’s Free Officers Association as little more than a reactionary clique with ties to the CIA.

After Bandung the Soviet line changed radically, in part because Chou En-lai lobbied the Kremlin on Nasser’s behalf. The decisive factor for Moscow, however, was the Egyptian government’s refusal to join a proposed U.S.-Egypt Mutual Security pact. Equally important was Egypt’s opposition to the “Baghdad Pact,” a U.S. and British-sponsored effort modeled along the lines of NATO and SEATO. Alghough Pakistan, Turkey, and Iraq backed the plan, the Egyptians lobbied against it with other nations, including Jordan and Lebanon.

So for the purposes of secretly arming Nasser, the CIA hired German intelligence, Otto Skorzeny, and in the end, with the help of Dr Voss, the Egypt signed a major arms deal with the Soviets. An interesting turn of events to say the least.

Francois Genoud comes to Cairo

Another interesting individual to show up in Egypt was one of the Hjalmar Schacht’s close pals and now-familiar figure in this history: Francois Genoud. Let’s take a close look at this central character and his Middle Eastern dealings with an excellent 1997 article in the Philadephia Inquirer “Hitler’s Swiss Connection” (This particular article is hard to find in various archives, but the text is available here and cited at the National Archives here):


Hitler's Swiss Connection, by David Lee Preston
published in the Philadelphia Inquirer, Jan. 5, 1997

On May 30 1996, a gray haired Swiss widower named Francois Genoud took a few close friends and relatives to a restaurant in Pully, his home town on Lake Lausanne.

Then they accompanied him back to his house, where one of his lunch companions prepared him a lethal cocktail: a bitter white poison dissolved in water. Genoud took the drink into his hands. He had started planning for this moment a year earlier when he went with his daughters, Martine and Francoise, to become a member of the suicide-assistance organization Exit, complaining that "psychological illness" had made life unbearable since the death of his second wife, Elisabeth, in 1991.

Genoud put the glass to his lips and drank. "He had decided to leave this earth," said Martine Genoud, "on a date that he chose himself." He was 81.

An urbane man with an air of influence and respectability, Genoud was no ordinary Swiss pensioner.

He was an unrepentant Nazi who devoted his life to aiding Adolf Hitler's surviving henchman and those he saw as Hitler's natural anti-Jewish successors: Arab terrorists.

He was a financier of fascism, and a manager of the hidden Swiss treasure of third Reich.

A shadowy figure in six decades of international intrigue, he masterminded an airplane hijacking, underwrote attacks on Israel and paid for the defense of Adolf Eichmann, Klaus Barbie and "Carlos the Jackal." An anti Jewish propagandist, he made a fortune publishing Nazi tracts.

In the end he slipped away just as a 50-year old scandal was breaking that might have implicated him in one history's great cover-ups: The Swiss collaboration with Nazi Germany in hiding gold looted from Holocaust victims and subjugated governments.

The issue of Swiss complicity in war time Nazi money-laundering is one of many topics involving powerful people quietly supporting and/or profiting from the Nazi regime. One of the Switzerland based institutions that is believe to have collaborated extensively in the looting Nazi gold happens to include the Bank for International Settlements (BIS), a kind of central bank for central banks. The BIS was set up in 1929 as a way to handle Germany’s WWI reparations payments. Hjalmar Schacht inspired its creation and was involved in setting up the bank’s charter. During WWII the BIS was headed by an American, Thomas McKittrick. During the war, Mr McKittrick befriended future CIA director Allen Dulles, but also came under fire by Congress for heading a bank that appeared to assist the Third Reich (and McKittrick was far from the only American involved in such activities. Just ask the Bush family). After the war there were calls for the bank to be dissolved, partly due to whispers of its scandalous war time behavior. In 1947 it was it was given a clean bill of health by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and McKittrick moved on to a job at the Chase National Bank.

Fifty years later, the Bank for International Settlements’s war time activities were investigated and it was evealed that McKittrick and other BIS officers helped convert Nazi gold, war booty they seized from occupied territories, into the US Dollars and Swiss Francs they needed to buy raw materials and munitions. The investigations also discovered that the BIS wasn’t purchasing most of the gold itself, but instead facilitating these transactions between the Third Reich and third parties that included neutral countries and even Allied governments (8). John Loftus covers (or uncovers, as the case may be) the topic of profiteering, and worse, by a number of prominent business and governmental figures, including McKittrick’s friend Allen Dulles, in his book The Secret War Against the Jews.

Skipping down in the article, let’s look at Genoud’s early years, and his early ties with important figures from the Third Reich and Middle East

As a teenager in the fall of 1932, Francois Genoud briefly met the man who was to shape the rest of his life. In a hotel in Bad Godesberg, near Bonn, the young Genoud encountered Adolf Hitler. He told Hitler of his great interest in National Socialism, and Hitler shook his hand. Genoud's parents--his father was a wealthy wallpaper manufacturer--had sent him from Lausanne to study in Germany at 16 to learn discipline. He found Hitler's writings "very relevant," he said years later. Sixty years after that single meeting, Genoud told a London newspaper, "My views have not changed since I was a young man. Hitler was a great leader, and if he had won the War the world would be a better place today."

In 1934, back in Switzerland, the 19 year old Genoud joined the pro-Nazi National Front, and two years later he began to forge the other political links that would prove so valuable. He traveled to Palestine. There he met the grand mufti of Jerusalem, the pro-Nazi religious and political leader of Palestinian Muslims, Amin el-Husseini, who was to spend most of World War II in Germany, and who, according to British author Gitta Sereny, "would consider [Genoud] a confidant until his death in 1974."

Genoud traveled to Berlin frequently during the war "to see his friend the grand mufti," and visited him afterward many times in Beirut, according to Le Monde correspondent Jean-Claude Buhrer. The grand mufti "entrusted Genoud with the management of his enormous financial affairs," according to Sereny. Working for both Swiss and German intelligence agencies, Genoud traveled extensively in the Middle East.

In Lausanne in 1940, along with a Lebanese national, he set up the Oasis nightclub to serve as a covert operation for the Abwehr, the German counterintelligence service. In 1941, Abwehr agent Paul Dickopf sent Genoud into Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Belgium. Genoud befriended several top Nazis, including SS Gen. Karl Wolff, who had been Heinrich Himmler's personal adjutant and who by 1943 would be "supreme SS and police leader" in Italy.

"It was a tit for tat between me and my Abwehr contact [Dickopf]," Genoud reminisced shortly before his death. "I was dealing in all kinds of things including currency, diamonds and gold, and Dickopf liked dealing, too. So I pushed things his way, and he pushed things my way . . . . It was all very satisfactory; everybody was happy. We were all friends." Dickopf, meanwhile, went underground in the fall of 1942 with Genoud's help, emerging in Switzerland. Ironically, from 1968 to 1972, Dickopf was president of Interpol, the widely respected international police agency. At the end of the war, Genoud represented the Swiss Red Cross in Brussels, according to Buhrer.

Yep, in addition to befriending top Nazis, Genoud was a close friend and confidant of the Grand Mufti, and a longtime friend of Paul Dickopf, the president of Interpol from 1968 - 72. Genoud even lobbied the secret services of the Middle East to support Dickopf for the job (9).

After the hostage taking crisis at the 1972 Munich Olympics by the Palestinian group Black September, Dickopf turned out to be quite hesitant in using Interpol to investigate the incident, with the Interpol agency spokesperson saying that Interpol was involved in investigating criminal acts, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was a political matter (10).

Recall too that, along with Genoud, al-Taqwa director Youssef Nada also worked with the Abwehr (German intelligence). They are both quite the popular, and connected, fellows.


Genoud, according to documents from Nazi-hunter Serge Klarsfeld of Paris, soon used his banking contacts to set in motion networks that later became known as ODESSA, which functioned principally for the transfer of millions of marks from Germany into Swiss banks and the evacuation of key Nazi leaders into Morocco, Spain and Latin America.

"The money," wrote Toronto author Erna Paris in a book about Klaus Barbie, "most of which was stolen from European Jews, was deposited in numbered bank accounts through a clandestine club of former SS officers called Die Spinne (The Spider), the successor to the ODESSA organization."

That most of the money used to finance the ODESSA group came from money stolen from

European Jews is a particularly grim aspect of this story.

Skipping down in the article, let’s look further at Genoud’s Middle Eastern affairs…

It was at the Nuremberg trials in 1946 that Genoud befriended Maj. Gen. Herman Bernhard Ramcke and obtained Bormann's account of Hitler's conversations from Ramcke's subordinate, former SS Capt. Hans Reichenberg. In the preface to the Bormann document, Hitler's Table talk, Genoud wrote that Hitler wanted the people of the Third World to carry on the work of the Thousand Year Reich.

By 1955, Genoud had used his wartime contacts to become an adviser, researcher and banker to the cause of Arab nationalism. Along with Reichenberg in Tangiers and Cairo, Genoud set up AraboAfrika, an import-export company that served as a cover for the dissemination of anti-Jewish and anti-Israeli propaganda and the delivery of weapons to the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). Genoud made investments for Hjalmar Schacht, the former Nazi Reichsminister of Finance, president of the Reichsbank and a key postwar intermediary between Germans and Arabs. Numerous former Third Reich officials gained refuge in the Arab world, including Eichmann's deputy, Alois Brunner, who for years was protected by Hafez el-Assad in Damascus.

The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, seeking to offset Soviet influence in the Middle East, helped bankroll the activities of Brunner and other former Nazis working in Egypt after the war, according to documentation by American journalist Christopher Simpson.

Before the end of the 1950s, Genoud had set up Swiss bank accounts on behalf of the North African liberation armies of Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. In 1958, in partnership with a Syrian--and with Hjalmar Schacht as an adviser--Genoud set up the Arab Commercial Bank in Geneva, to manage the war chest for the Algerian separatists. Schacht was quoted as saying National Socialism would conquer the world without having to wage another war. When Algerian independence was proclaimed in 1962, Genoud became director of the Arab Peoples' Bank in Algiers. He brought his highly placed friend Schacht with him. But two years later, Genoud was arrested in Algeria and charged with violating exchange control regulations in the transfer of $15 million of FLN money to a Swiss bank. The intercession of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser got Genoud out of Algeria without a trial, and he never went back. After a 15 year battle in Swiss courts, the money was returned to Algeria.

One of Genoud’s Egyptian contacts early after the coup of 1952 was Fathi al-Dhib, the future Swiss diplomat that would advise al-Taqwa director Ahmed Huber on his travels to Egypt. At that point Mr. al-Dhib was an Egyptian intelligence officer (11). In addition the weapons-smuggling carried out by the AraboAfrika company, which was essentially a front company for the Werner Naumann group (12), the dissemination of anti-semitic propaganda through Genoud’s Arabo-Afrika import-export company brings us to another interesting figure: Johann von Leers. Johann von Leers came to Cairo in 1955. Von Leers had been Goebbels’s right hand man and chief creator of anti-Semitic propaganda for Nazi Germany. Like Genoud, Skorzeny, and so many of the other figures in Egypt, Von Leers played a significant role in organizing Nazi escape routs to Latin America. In 1950 von Leers himself arrived in Argentina and became editor of Der Weg, the Buenos Aires-based journal for the Nazi diaspora that Mr Rudel also helped lead. Von Leers was also heavily involved in the occult (13). But people change (sort of), and five years later von Leers moved to Egypt, converted to Islam, changed his name to Oman Amin and helped run Nasser’s propaganda ministry, directing the important “Institute for the study of Zionism” (14). Judging by Egypt’s treatment of the reporters that mentioned this delicate topic, Mr. von Leers’s employement was a touchy topic at the time.

Johann von Leers become a kind of mentor to Ahmed Huber, who is, in many respect, the heir to Genoud’s legacy, playing that critical role in continuing the alliance Islamist and far Right movements. Huber reportedly grew close to von Leers during Huber’s time in Cairo the early 60’s, when Von Leers “opened his eyes to the real meaning of the great adventure of the Third Reich”, whatever that may be (15)

And finishing our look at David Lee Preston’s article in the Philadelphia Enquirer…

Beginning in the 1960s, Genoud helped finance numerous Arab terrorist causes, selling weapons and paying legal fees. In November 1969, he sat alongside the radical lawyer Jacques Verges as an adviser at the trial in Switzerland of three terrorists from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) who had blown up an El Al plane in Zurich that February. Genoud's Arab Commerical Bank paid for the defense.

Two decades later, Genoud would team up with Verges again, this time as financier for the left-wing lawyer's defense of Barbie, the Gestapo chief known as the "Butcher of Lyon." In June 1987, Genoud ignored a summons to appear as a witness in the Lyon court trying Barbie for crimes against humanity. Barbie killed 4,000 non-Jewish French citizens and deported 7,000 Jews to death camps. He was convicted in 1987 and died in prison.

Lee maintains that Genoud "is a much more significant figure in the postwar neo-Nazi scene than Barbie. Genoud is more the behind-the-scenes wire-puller. He was not someone who lined people up and shot them to death, but he had dealings with those who did. Genoud was a living embodiment of the continued political maneuvering and influence by Third Reich activists and hard-core Nazis after World War II--activities that had measurable influence in world affairs, as evidenced by Arab terrorism and other political violence."

One of the more high-profile cases which Genoud financed and Verges worked onwas the prosecution of the infamous Illich Ramirez aka Carlos “the Jackal”. Carlos has converted to Islam since his imprisonment and praised bin Laden. Not slowing down at his old age, Verges more recently even offered to represent Saddam Hussein at his war crimes trial. Verge’s protégé, Isabelle Coutant-Peyre, is both the fiancee of the imprisoned Illich Ramirez and was also the French lawyer for the “20th 9/11 hijacker” Zacarias Moussaoui.

Martin A. Lee’s assertion that Genoud is more significant a figure than Klaus Barbie is probably accurate. Barbie, a sociopathic menace that extended his campaigns of terror from France in WWII to South America, was but one of the many peoples and movements that individuals like Francois Genoud bankrolled in the latter half of the 20th century, just as Ahmed Huber is continuing to do today.

Klaus Barbie and the South American Nightmare

While the Genoud-financed trial of Klaus Barbie focused on his WWII atrocities in France, Barbie’s postwar activities are, quite unfortunately, indicative of many countries’ willingness to cooperate with the most unsavory of characters to carry out their policy goals. Barbie was first acquired as a US asset in 1947, and allowed to flee to Bolivia, and escaping war crimes charges in France. Barbie spent the next several decades in Bolivia, coming under protection of Bolivian dictator Hugo Banzer Suarez in the 70’s when he was found by Nazi-hunters. That Barbie was able to find protection in South America during that period is not suprising. The 70’s was a particularly dark decade for South America, when terrorists, government sponsored death-squads, military dictators, and a growing drug trade destroyed lives and countries. The “Dirty War” that started in Argentina swept across the continent, creating South America’s first “Narco-State” with the “Cocaine Coup” of Bolivia carried out by Klaus Barbie’s band of Nazis, fellow drug lords, and an Argentinian intelligence agency with its own Nazi history. All of this activity helped lay the ground work for the logistical and financial support networks utilized in the Contra efforts.

For the last section of this essay we’re going to look at the role the South American Nazis played on that continent in the 70’s and 80’s. This may appear to be merely a tangentially related topic to larger question in this series of essays on the relationship between fascism and violent Islamist fundamentalism, but it’s not. The workings of Al-Qaeda and the global Jihadists cannot be understood based on personalities and ideologies alone. Al-Qaeda is a child of the war in Afghanistan and the Arab “Afghan” Mujahedeen support efforts, which the Muslim Brotherhood played a major role in and the US and the Saudis backed heavily. And the Afghan Mujahedeen effort shares a great number of ties to the “Dirty Wars” of South America and the US-backed and Saudi-backed Contra movement (yes, the Saudis became major funders of of the Contras after the US Congress cut off funds in 1984).

South America and Central Asia were both Cold War battlegrounds that included extensive clandestine support from the US and Saudis. While money and arms there has always been funneled into conflicts by interested outside powers (and those looking to make some moolah), the conflicts in South America and Afghanistan played important roles in modernizing those techniques. Both conflicts were fueled by, and helped fuel, South America’s and Aghanistan’s booming cocaine and heroin trades. In addition, even back then our international financial system had an immense capacity to launder massive amounts of drug profits, along with a booming global trade that carried with it the ability to secretly supply weapons around the world. All of these factors created conditions that greatly enabled the ability governments (or factions of governments, as the case may be) to secretly finance and arm rebel groups. And all of these same factors and loopholes still exist today, and they don’t require state sponsorship to be exploited.

Modern terrorism, in turn, is reliant on many of the same sponsors, underground weapons channels, and money-laundering centers as well as techniques that were utilized decades ago in fueling the parallel South American and Afghan conflicts. Today’s terrorist groups are addicted to the illegal drug trade to fund their activities and depend on a global arms trade that sells deadly force to the highest bidder with impunity. And as we’re going to see in future essays, many of the same conduits are direct descendents of the same ones used in the 70’s and 80’s, sometimes run by the same people.

And, of course, there are the Nazis and far-Rightists. One of the individuals that has taken the lead on reporting about the Nazi-infested dark side of South America’s history is Robert Parry. Robert Parry is an investigative journalist who broke a number of critical stories on the Iran Contra affair while working for the Associated Press and Newsweek in the 80’s. Today, his Consortium News website provides some of the best coverage, commentary, and historical perspectives on the vital topics that get to the heart of our lost history. So let’s take a closer look at some of the Nazi-influenced financial and weapons smuggling networks that helped terrorize South America with and excellent article from Consortium News:

Nazi Echo: Argentina, Death Camps & the Contras


September 19, 1998

By Marta Gurvich & Robert Parry

The tracks of secret financing for the Nicaraguan contra war may cross a troubling money-raising tactic passed on from Adolf Hitler's Nazis to their ideological heirs in Argentina: the liquidation of property from victims killed in death camps.

An investigation in Spain is examining evidence that an intelligence officer in Argentina's Dirty War was responsible for selling the property of Argentines after they were "disappeared" -- that is, taken to secret concentration camps and murdered. Money from the victims' property may have ended up in Swiss bank accounts maintained by Argentine military officers.

The Argentine intelligence officer accused of overseeing the property liquidations is Raul Guglielminetti. In closed-door U.S. Senate testimony in 1987, one of his accomplices also fingered Guglielminetti as the manager of a Miami-based money-laundering operation that funnelled tens of millions of dollars in Bolivian drug money to the Nicaraguan contras and to other right-wing paramilitary operations in Latin America.

The extent of the contra connection to various Bolivian drug smuggling operations reportedly is one of the surprises contained in the still-secret volume two of an internal CIA investigation into contra-cocaine trafficking. But the CIA so far has refused to release the 600-page volume two. CIA spokesmen say the agency eventually may release an unclassified summary, but will likely keep much of volume two secret.

Not long after this report the CIA released an unclassified summary of Volume two of their report looking into the allegations of the ageny’s complicity in drug-trafficking during the Contra support effort. It was uploaded to their website on October 8, 1998 with no public announcement. There was little notice in the media, as it was somewhat distracted at the time (16). While most major media outlets played down the signficance of the CIA report, it contains a number stunning admissions.


In Spain, meanwhile, the property-liquidation case is one part of a larger examination of Argentina's Dirty War by Judge Baltasar Garzon. The judge has been investigating the fate of Spanish citizens who "disappeared" in Argentina during the late 1970s and early 1980s when the military slaughtered some 10,000 to 30,000 people who were considered politically suspect.

Garzon's investigation is looking at evidence that Guglielminetti oversaw the selling of property stolen from the victims, with the proceeds allegedly deposited in nearly 100 Swiss bank accounts belonging to Argentine officers.
Earlier this year, the inquiry led to confirmation that at least six Argentine military officers maintained secret bank accounts in Switzerland. But it was not clear whether those accounts contained proceeds looted from Dirty War victims or money from other sources.

Still, the historical echo of Hitler's financial strategies is striking. During Hitler's World War II extermination campaign against European Jews, the Nazis raised capital by selling the possessions of death-camp victims, including gold melted down from wedding bands and extracted from teeth fillings.

Hitler's government transferred large amounts of this wealth through Swiss banks and used the money to buy vital goods from neutral countries, including Argentina.

Argentina then was dominated by the quasi-fascist movement of Gen. Juan Peron. The country harbored strong sympathies for the Axis powers, especially Italian fascist leader Benito Mussolini. After World War II, many Nazis escaped along "rat lines" to Argentina and other South American countries which protected war criminals, including Adolf Eichmann, Josef Mengele and Klaus Barbie.

The possibility that Juan Peron’s wife Evita played a role in setting up some of those “Ratlines” during a postwar tour of Europe was revealed with newly released Swiss Archival records in 1999.


International Jewish groups long have suspected that Argentina played a role, too, in laundering the Nazis' legendary ODESSA funds to fascist survivors of the Third Reich. In the decades that followed, some fascist and neo-fascist operatives branched out, linking up to organized crime and earning money as narcotics traffickers.

Others found jobs assisting Latin American intelligence services suppressing leftist insurgencies. The ex-Nazis shared their skills in torture and other intelligence techniques. [For details on the Nazis in South America, see Martin A. Lee's The Beast Reawakens; Henrik Kruger's The Great Heroin Coup; and iF Magazine, Nov.-Dec. 1997.]

Yep, opposing Leftists and Communists was the same justification for the use of “ex”-Nazis f in postwar South America as elsewhere and was still in use in the 80’s, most notably with the far Right paramilitary groups involved with the Contra effort. It’s an oldie, but a goodie (and by goodie we mean really really baddie).


Into that combustible ideological mix stepped the shadowy figure of Raul Guglielminetti. Born in 1941, Guglielminetti's criminal history dates back to 1960, when he was investigated on fraud charges but released.

In 1964, he got into more hot water over alleged illegal trafficking in contraband and illegal possession of weapons. His first conviction was in 1965 for car theft.

Back on the street in 1970, Guglielminetti started his career as a political henchman. He helped suppress a labor strike and earned the favorable notice of police in the province of Neuquen. Friendly police officials set him up with a job as a journalist at the newspaper, Sur Argentino.

Later, Guglielminetti moved to Bahia Blanca in Buenos Aires province where he led ultra-right storm-troopers and declared himself a Nazi. In the mid-1970s, as the violence between rightists and leftists escalated, Guglielminetti joined a right-wing death squad, known as the Argentine Anti-communist Alliance.

The Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA) was closely connected to Skorzeny’s Paladin group when it was formed by Peron’s close aide Jose Lopez Rega. Rega even imported men from Spain to help with the AAA attacks on the Argentine Left (17).


In 1976, Argentina's right-wing generals mounted a coup which ousted Isabel Peron, a weak president who had taken office after Gen. Peron's death. The generals then launched a full-scale Dirty War with thousands of Argentines "disappearing" off the streets and into secret concentration camps where they faced torture and death.

The Dirty War also meant new employment opportunities for the 33-year-old Guglielminetti. He joined the military intelligence service, known as the SIDE, and worked in the infamous Batallion 601. A later government investigation would identify him as a member of a paramilitary squad that kidnapped, tortured and killed leftist activists.

According to that investigation, Guglielminetti was put in charge of selling the victims' properties which the military government had stolen. In the early days of the Dirty War, the military and police simply plundered the valuables, taking money, jewels and other personal items.

After crushing their internal enemies, the victorious generals expanded their anti-communist crusade beyond Argentina. As part of that strategy, Guglielminetti shifted his base of activities to Miami.

There, he allegedly oversaw a secret money-laundering operation that moved drug proceeds to anti-communist forces around the Western Hemisphere, including support for the Nicaraguan contras.

In testimony before a U.S. Senate subcommittee, another Argentine intelligence officer, named Leonardo Sanchez-Reisse, described that operation. A financial expert, Sanchez-Reisse said he had been recruited by Argentine intelligence in 1976 and specialized in the service's international operations. In the Miami money operation, he said his boss was Guglielminetti.

Sanchez-Reisse testified that the Miami operation was based in two front companies: Argenshow, a promoter of U.S. entertainment acts in Argentina, and the Silver Dollar, a pawn shop that was licensed to sell guns.

He asserted the real activity of the companies was to transfer more than $30 million -- much of it from drug lords -- into various political and paramilitary operations in South and Central America. He claimed the operation was approved by the CIA, which maintained close ties to the Argentine generals.

In addition Guglielminetti and Sanchez-Reisse being recruited by Argentine intelligence in 1976, they were reported also given intelligence training in the US that same year. If that’s true, they were possibly trained in program related to the “School of the Americas” (now called the “Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation”). The School was started in Panama in 1946 and relocated to Fort Benning, Georgia in 1984. It came under congressional scrutiny in 1999, several years after a 1996 admission by the Pentagon that its training included executions, torture, and blackmail. Sound familiar?


According to Sanchez-Reisse, the money operation's first major activity was funnelling drug proceeds into a 1980 coup to overthrow an elected center-left government in Bolivia. That new government had offended Bolivia's powerful cocaine barons, including Roberto Suarez, then one of the biggest traffickers in the world.

Suarez and his key ally in the Bolivian army, Gen. Luis Garcia Meza, struck back by organizing a coup d'etat with Argentine assistance. Sanchez-Reisse said Suarez provided the money that was funnelled through Guglielminetti's financial network.

Using ambulances, the Argentine generals delivered weapons and other military equipment to right-wing Bolivian paramilitary forces.

The money for the 1980 coup came from "drug traffickers [in Bolivia who] were interested to overthrow the government of Bolivia," Sanchez-Reisse testified before a Senate subcommittee in 1987.

The money "was shipped from Bahamas to United States. ... It was money [that] belonged to people connected with drug traffic in Bolivia at that time, specifically Mr. Roberto Suarez in Bolivia."

Explaining how he knew the money came from cocaine trafficking, Sanchez-Reisse said, "I know that Mr. Roberto Suarez doesn't make his money growing peanuts."

Besides the weapons from Argentina, the Bolivian putschists got help from an international band of ex-Nazis and neo-nazis led by Klaus Barbie, known as the Butcher of Lyon for his work in Hitler's Gestapo.

While he was clearly affiliated with the far-Right, Klaus Barbie and his partner in the weapons businuss, Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel, are believed to have had Cuban ties and be involved in supplying weapons to Giangiacomo Feltrinelli (18), the Italian far-Leftist millionaire closely tied to the italian Red Brigades (whose kidnapping and murder of Italian Prime Ministers Aldo Moro has a rather spooky tie to current Prime Minister Romano Prodi). Considering the many other examples we’ve seen of the blurring of militant far-Left and far-Right, and the international nature of the arm-trafficking, one has to wonder, in the end, just how interlocked extremists groups are around the globe via the clandestine supply chains they rely on for the weapons, training, expertise, and any other item or service that is found useful in today’s numerous conflicts.


In July 1980, the coup overthrew the Bolivian government and slaughtered many of its supporters. Some victims were tortured by Argentinean experts flown in to demonstrate their expertise.

The putsch, which became known as the Cocaine Coup, installed Garcia Meza and other drug-connected military officers who promptly turned Bolivia into South America's first modern narco-state. The secure supply of Bolivian cocaine was important to the development of the Medellin cartel in the early 1980s.

[For details on the coup, see The Big White Lie by former DEA agent Michael Levine; Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall; and iF Magazine, Nov.-Dec. 1997.]

Michael Levine, a decorated 25 year DEA agent that had infiltrated Robert Suarez’s drug empire, retired in 1990 and issued a sharp rebuke to the US government for its steady obstruction of his attempts to break up the cartel and the overall prosecution of the Drug War.

Another group that played a role in fostering the Bolivian narco-state was Reverend Moon’s Unification Church. Moon’s top lieutenant, Bo Hi Pak, was one of the first well-wishers for Garcia Meza after the coup. According to the Bolivian government and press reports, Moon’s organization invested about $4 million in the coup preparations. Nearly all the leading Bolivian coup-makers were members of Moon’s anti-Communist organization CAUSA (which has also had a number of leading US New Rightists as members) (19). In the late 70’s, following the “Koreagate” congressional bribery scandal, Reverend Moon’s organization came under investigation by Congress. The “Fraser Report”, as it is known, found was that, unlike most self-declared messiahs intent on creating God’s kingdom on earth, Reverend Moon has the resources to do it: billions in wealth, state sponsorship (he has heavy ties to South Korean intelligence), and deep ties to the criminal underworld.

The Reverend Moon is also closely affiliated with the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), an international umbrella group for far-Rightists to promote “anti-Communist activities”, including a big role in supporting the contras.


Many of the Argentine intelligence officers who assisted in the Cocaine Coup followed up their victory in Bolivia by moving northward into Central America to train a ragtag force of Nicaraguan contras. Sanchez-Reisse said the Argenshow-Silver Dollar money was soon flowing in that direction as well.

Over 18 months, Sanchez-Reisse testified, more than $30 million went through Guglielminetti's operation. The money supported the Bolivian coup, the contras and other right-wing paramilitary activities in Central America.

Sanchez-Reisse said the money moved through accounts from around the world -- Switzerland, the Bahamas, Grand Cayman, Liechtenstein and Panama.

It is important to remind ourselves, once again, of the international nature of modern finance. Specifically, how the existence of numerous financial havens that are largely tolerated by the international community has been a powerful facilitator in fueling clandestine conflicts aground the global. We’re going to delve into that topic much more in Parts 10 and 11.

And finishing off our look at Robert Parry’s article…

Soon, the contras were serving as an international brigade in Argentina's war against leftist subversion. In December 1980, Argentine intelligence dispatched a contra assault team to attack a Costa Rican radio station which was broadcasting information critical of the Argentine Dirty War. Three Costa Ricans were killed in the raid. [See The Nation, Oct. 7, 1991]

Working with anti-communist Honduran officers, the contras began murdering scores of political dissidents in Honduras and other Central American countries. A later Honduran government investigation described the "disappearances" of nearly 200 victims in that country alone.

The Honduran investigation, completed in 1994, singled out a dozen Argentine "advisers" for blame in the Honduran Dirty War. One of those Argentine advisers was Sanchez-Reisse, Guglielminetti's partner in the Miami money-laundry.

In 1981, President Reagan formally authorized the CIA to collaborate with the Argentine intelligence services in building up the contra army. In the contra operation, Sanchez-Reisse said, Guglielminetti befriended John Hull, a CIA-connected farmer who let contras use his ranch in northern Costa Rica and later faced accusations of drug trafficking. [For more details on Hull, see The Consortium, Aug. 10, 1998, or iF Magazine, Sept.-Oct. 1998.]

In 1996 the San Jose Mercury News carried a three part “Dark Alliance” series of reports (available here) by investigative reporter Gary Webb. Webb’s reports laid out evidence suggesting CIA complicity in cocaine trafficking by the contras. In 1997 the Department of Justice looked into allegations of John Hull’s involvement in drug trafficking (amongst many other allegations) and largely denied all the charges. The CIA’s “Volume II” report on these allegations the following year admitted that the agency had been told by one of the individuals running the drugs smuggling operations about his activities (see the section on Muncio Nunez), but inexplicably decided not to investigate the matter for reasons the CIA is unable to recall. In spite of that and many other carefully-worded admissions in the CIA’s report, Gary Webb’s career was destroyed when the “Dark Alliance” series was attacked by most of the same major news outlets that attacked similar charges in the 80’s. As a result most of the revelations of this chapter of history uncovered by his work remain largely unknown, forgotten, or dismissed, which isn’t too surpising. Wars are dirty, but it takes more than dirty warfare to prompt the label of a “dirty war”. It takes an willingness to acknowledge and accept dark, dirty possibilities and not forget them

Still, it is in many ways understandable that so many of the implications of Gary Webb’s reporting have been dismissed. Or, for that matter, the historic postwar Nazi-nexus that connects the past to the present. Rarely will a nation discuss the dark, sometimes-goulish chapters of its history. We love to talk about the evil deeds done by extreme personalities, except when they’re done by our allies. That’s a shame because the most important history is often the most disturbing, dismissed, and confusing. What we’re going to look at next fits all three of those categories, and it’s highly relevant to the events of 9/11: It’s the the history of the two major Muslim Brotherhood splinter groups, Gama’a al-Islamiya and Egyptian Islamic Jihad. These two groups took the mantle of violent Jihad against the Egyptian government from the Muslim Brotherhood several decades ago. Gama’a al-Islamiya’s spiritual leader, Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman, was charged with being the mastermind beind the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. Egyptian Islamic Jihad’s leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, merged his group into al-Qaeda and is considered the brains behind the organization. And both groups have rather “complicated” relationships with US intelligence. There are plenty more important tidbits of lost history coming up, so keep reading!!!!!!


(1) In 1953 Naumann declared Martin Bormann had survived as well, and was living in Moscow (while there is little to indicate Bormann survived and ended up in Moscow following the war, the possibility his post-war presence in South America is an interesting, and important question to understanding the nature of the ex-Nazi influence today that prize-winning journalist Paul Manning addressed in a little-notice book “Martin Bormann: Nazi in exhile”, available on the web.

Offine References

(1) Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International; By Kevin Coogan; Copyright 1999 [SC]; Autonomedia; ISBN 1-57027-039-2; p 364-367

(2) ibid p381

(3) ibid p192, 369

(4) ibid Yockey p367

(5) The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism. By Henrik Kruger; Copyright 1980; Boston: South End Press, ISBN 0-89608-031-5. p113, 209 – 210

(6) Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International; By Kevin Coogan; Copyright 1999 [SC]; Autonomedia; ISBN 1-57027-039-2; p367-369

(7) ibid p368, 383

(8) "Nazi Gold: the untold story”, by Hirsh, Michael.. Newsweek(November 4, 1996): 47-48.

(9) Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International; By Kevin Coogan; Copyright 1999 [SC]; Autonomedia; ISBN 1-57027-039-2; p588

(10) ibid p588

(11) ibid p585

(12) ibid p585

(13) ibid p276

(14) ibid p382

(15) Dollars for Terror: The United States and Islam; by Richard Labeviere; Copyright 2000 [SC]; Algora Publishing; ISBN 1-892941-06-6; p142

(16) Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & ‘Project Truth’ by Robert Parry copyright 1999; The Media Consortium; ISBN 1-893517-00-4; p224

(17) The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism. By Henrik Kruger; Copyright 1980; Boston: South End Press, ISBN 0-89608-031-5 p113, 211

(18) Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International; By Kevin Coogan; Copyright 1999 [SC]; Autonomedia; ISBN 1-57027-039-2; p. 588

(19) Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & ‘Project Truth’ by Robert Parry copyright 1999; The Media Consortium; ISBN 1-893517-00-4; p200-201